FPC Classes · Faith & Resistance
Week 4 · Practicing Faithful Resistance Today
1 / 34

Fairfax Presbyterian Church · Faith & Resistance

Week Four

Practicing Faithful
Resistance Today

The Claim of This Week
The framework is not a museum piece. It is a tool. This week we use it.
We finish where Week 3 left off — with the Kairos Document we didn’t reach. Then Wink. Then the case that is in front of us. Then the forms of faithful action available to this congregation, right now.

Case Study Seven · South Africa, 1985 · Carried Over from Week 3

The Kairos Document:
Written Inside the Fire

150 South African theologians named what was happening — and what the church was doing about it. They gave everything its right name.

Case Study 7 of 7 · South Africa, 1985

The Historical Moment

South Africa, July 1985 — State of Emergency

The apartheid state declares a State of Emergency. Township after township is in revolt. The South African Defence Force moves in. People are being killed, maimed, and imprisoned at accelerating pace. The Dutch Reformed Church provides apartheid’s theological justification. The English-speaking churches issue statements about reconciliation and non-violence — and do very little else.

Soweto · June–September 1985

A group of ordinary clergy and lay theologians — not bishops, not denominational leaders — meets in Soweto at the height of the crisis. They decide the church must be made to see what it is doing and not doing. Three drafts circulate across the country. Over 150 people sign. The document appears September 25, 1985.

The Kairos Document · Chapter One · September 25, 1985

“The time has come. The moment of truth has arrived.”

Kairos — not clock time, but the moment of decision. The favorable time in which God issues a challenge to decisive action. Jesus wept over Jerusalem because the city did not recognize its kairos “when God offered it” (Luke 19:44). The document’s opening claim: this is that moment for the church in South Africa. And the church is about to be shown up for what it really is.

The Kairos Document · Chapters 2–4

Three Theologies — A Diagnostic

State
Theology

The theological justification of whatever power exists

Uses Scripture — especially Romans 13 — to bless the status quo, sanctify the will of the powerful, and demand obedience from those being crushed. The Kairos Document calls this not merely wrong but heretical and blasphemous. It has appeared in every case study in this series.

Church
Theology

The theology of cautious, both-sides discomfort

Agrees that injustice is wrong. Calls for dialogue, reconciliation, and non-violence — without taking a side, analyzing the root cause, or accepting any cost. Prefers a negative peace. The Kairos Document says this is not a lesser version of faithfulness. It is a different religion. It is King’s white moderate, in a South African accent.

Prophetic
Theology

The theology that reads the whole arc and names what it sees

Grounds itself in the same Scripture — but reads it from the position of the suffering neighbor, not the comfortable institution. Does thorough social analysis. Takes an unambiguous stand. Accepts the cost of that stand. This is the theology of the seven case studies. It is also the theology of Jesus.

Case Study 7 · Chapter Two

State Theology — In the Document’s Own Words

The Definition

“State Theology is simply the theological justification of the status quo with its racism, capitalism and totalitarianism. It blesses injustice, canonizes the will of the powerful and reduces the poor to passivity, obedience and apathy.”

The Instrument — Chapter 2.1

“Throughout the history of Christianity totalitarian regimes have tried to legitimize an attitude of blind obedience and absolute servility towards the state by quoting this text.”

Romans 13. The document names the pattern this series has tracked across five centuries: the same verse, on the side of the same powers, every time.

The Verdict

“State Theology is not only heretical, it is blasphemous.”

Case Study 7 · Chapter Three

Church Theology — In the Document’s Own Words

The Definition

“In a limited, guarded and cautious way ‘Church Theology’ is critical of apartheid… but it then goes on to make a fatal mistake. It does not first make a thorough social analysis… and it therefore timidly calls for reconciliation and justice without being sure what sort of justice or whose side the Church should be on.”

On Reconciliation Without Justice — Chapter 3.1

“There can be no reconciliation, no forgiveness and no negotiations with a tyrant… To speak of reconciling these two is not only a mistaken belief but it could also, in this situation, be described as sinful.”

Church Theology is comfortable. It agrees apartheid is wrong. It calls for dialogue. It counsels patience. It prefers a negative peace to the costly work of justice. This is not a lesser version of faithfulness. It is a different religion — one organized around the needs of those who are not suffering.

Case Study 7 · Chapter Four

Prophetic Theology — In the Document’s Own Words

The Definition — Chapter 4

“We need a bold and incisive response that is prophetic because it speaks to the particular circumstances of this crisis, a response that does not give the impression of sitting on the fence but is clearly and unambiguously taking a stand.”

The Ground — Luke 4:18

“The Spirit of the Lord is on me, because he has anointed me to proclaim good news to the poor… to proclaim freedom for the prisoners and recovery of sight for the blind, to set the oppressed free.”

The Central Claim — Chapter 5.1

“God sides with the oppressed… [The Bible] tells us that God is not neutral in the face of oppression, injustice and tyranny. God takes sides.”

Vocabulary for Question 5

Walter Wink
& the Third Way

Kairos names the theological problem. Wink names the practical response. Then we put them together with the life of Jesus before turning to the present moment.

Walter Wink · Engaging the Powers (1992) · The Powers That Be (1998)

Three Responses to Oppression

Fight

Meet violence with violence

Armed resistance. Uses the same tools as the oppressor. Tends to perpetuate the cycle — the new power becomes what it overthrew. Not present in any faithful case study in this series.

Flight

Withdrawal, passivity, accommodation

Quietism. The privatized faith that stays on Floors 1 and 2. Church Theology in Kairos terms: knows what is happening, calls for dialogue, does not show up. The majority option in every case study.

Creative
Engage­ment

Nonviolent, truth-telling, public, costly

The third way. Uses the powers’ own logic to expose them. Seeks the enemy’s transformation, not their destruction. The form of every faithful case study. Grounded in Matthew 5:38–44. Prophetic Theology enacted.

Matthew 5:38–44 · Not Passive Acceptance — Creative Resistance

The Backhand, the Cloak, the Second Mile

Turn the other cheek — v.39

In the first century, a backhand slap to the right cheek was a gesture of social domination, not a military blow. Turning the left cheek forces the aggressor to use the open palm — an act between equals — or acknowledge the other as a peer. It refuses humiliation without resorting to violence. It forces the aggressor to see what they are doing.

Give your cloak too — v.40

In the ancient Near East, nakedness shamed the one who looked, not the one exposed. The debtor stripped bare in court exposes the creditor’s cruelty publicly. Not passivity. Theater that names the injustice.

The Consistent Shape

Refuse to collude. Name the injustice publicly. Absorb the cost. Seek the other’s transformation. This is the field conventicle, the Birmingham march, the Thursday plaza, the Soweto document, the Sanctuary declaration. It is also the form of the cross.

Kairos + Wink + The Cross
Prophetic Theology names the problem.
The third way names the form.
The life of Jesus names the shape of both.
Jesus did not fight. He did not flee. He named power for what it was, stood with those it was crushing, bore the cost of that exposure in public, and refused to add to the violence already present. Six centuries of faithful resistance is not the imitation of a political strategy. It is the imitation of Christ.

The Case in Front of Us

Immigration:
A Structural Account

Before we talk about what to do, we need to see clearly what we are actually inside. Not a partisan debate. A structural relationship — one that implicates all of us.

Question 1 · Who Is Here

Roughly 11 million undocumented people live in the United States. Scripture has been speaking about them for three thousand years.

Exodus 22:21 · 23:9

“Do not mistreat or oppress a foreigner, for you were foreigners in Egypt.”

The obligation is grounded in Israel’s own refugee memory — not in the stranger’s legal status.

Leviticus 19:33–34

“The foreigner residing among you must be treated as your native-born. Love them as yourself, for you were foreigners in Egypt.”

Native-born. Not tolerated. Not processed. Native-born.

Deuteronomy 10:18–19

“[God] defends the cause of the fatherless and the widow, and loves the foreigner residing among you, giving them food and clothing. And you are to love those who are foreigners.”

Care for the stranger is an attribute of God before it is a command to Israel.

Ezekiel 22:29

“The people of the land practice extortion and commit robbery; they oppress the poor and needy and mistreat the foreigner, denying them justice.”

The oppression of the stranger is named as a sin that brings judgment — alongside robbery and injustice to the poor.

Zechariah 7:10

“Do not oppress the widow or the fatherless, the foreigner or the poor.”

The foreigner appears in every prophetic list of the vulnerable. Always in the same company.

Matthew 25:35 · Luke 10:36–37

“I was a stranger and you welcomed me” — “Go and do likewise.”

Jesus places himself in the stranger. The Good Samaritan has no papers. The arc runs from Exodus to the cross without interruption.

The Structural Argument · The Numbers

What the Economy Extracts — What It Returns

Undocumented workers as share of US workforce — selected sectors

Farm workers
45%
Construction
14%
Hospitality
9%
Hospital workers
7%

Taxes paid annually (2022)

$96.7B

Including $25.7B into Social Security and $6.4B into Medicare — programs they are legally barred from collecting.

Federal benefits received

$0

Barred from Social Security, Medicare, most federal assistance. Pay in. Cannot collect. The arrangement requires this.

Avg state/local tax rate

10.1%

Undocumented workers

vs.

Avg state/local tax rate

7.2%

Top 1% of US households

In 40 of 50 states, undocumented immigrants pay a higher effective state and local tax rate than the wealthiest Americans. ITEP, 2023.

Estimated price increases if undocumented labor is removed from the economy

+14.5%

Food & grocery prices

FWD.us / CUNY model

+10%

Food prices (broader estimate)

Peterson Institute, 2024

+6.1%

Construction costs

FWD.us / CUNY model

+90%

Milk prices (dairy workers)

Farm Aid / dairy industry est.

“There’s no question that mass deportation of immigrants will disrupt the agriculture and food processing industries, resulting in severe labor shortages, higher costs and thus higher prices for a wide variety of groceries. The only question is how high prices will go.” — Mark Zandi, Chief Economist, Moody’s Analytics

The Arrangement

What They Came For · What the Deal Gave Them

Safety

Escape from violence, persecution, and the collapse of ordinary life.

Opportunity

Work. A wage. The chance to provide for children.

Belonging

A community. A school. A church. Roots in a place.

Dignity

To be seen as a neighbor. To exist without fear.

No path to legal status

The last amnesty was 1986. Decades of work, taxes paid, children born here — no road to permanence.

No political voice

No vote. No representation. No ability to organize without risk.

No protection, no benefits

Labor rights unexercisable. Social Security uncollectable. Precarity permanent.

Scapegoated when convenient

When elections need an enemy, when anxiety needs a target — the people with no voice and no recourse are available.

The arrangement requires this precarity. A regularized workforce would have rights. Rights would cost more. This is not an accident of policy. It is the design.

The Structural Argument · Six Administrations

Reagan
Clinton
Bush
Obama
Trump 45
Biden
Trump 47

Click any administration above. The pattern is the same in every chapter: extract the labor, avoid the resolution.

Reagan · 1986

Congress passed the last immigration reform this country has ever attempted. It hasn't tried since.

2.7M

People granted amnesty under the Immigration Reform and Control Act of 1986.

Never
enforced

IRCA also introduced employer sanctions for hiring undocumented workers. They were never meaningfully enforced. The labor kept flowing.

39 years
ago

The last time the U.S. government tried to resolve the status of undocumented people already here. Every administration since inherited the unresolved population and left it unresolved.

Clinton · 1996

A Democratic president built the enforcement infrastructure every subsequent administration used. The tools were not invented by Trump. They were waiting.

IIRIRA (1996)

The Illegal Immigration Reform and Immigrant Responsibility Act. Created expedited removal, mandatory detention, multi-year re-entry bars, and sharply limited judicial review. Every one of these tools is still in active use.

Deportations

70k → 188k

Annual deportations nearly tripled in the two years after IIRIRA passed.

Total expulsions

~12.3M

Including voluntary returns — more than any other president in history.

Same year

Welfare reform barred undocumented immigrants from most federal benefits. IIRIRA and benefit exclusion signed in the same legislative session. Pay taxes in. Cannot collect.

Bush · 2001–2009

9/11 gave immigration enforcement a national security frame and an open checkbook. The agency was rebuilt, funding exploded, and local police became federal immigration agents.

The reorganization

INS abolished, replaced by DHS. Immigration enforcement reframed as counterterrorism. Secure Communities launched in 2008 — a system that automatically ran fingerprints from every local arrest through federal immigration databases, flagging anyone without legal status regardless of whether they were convicted of anything.

287(g) agreements

Over 70 local and state law enforcement agencies deputized to perform immigration enforcement by 2009. Local police as federal immigration agents. This is where that began.

Annual enforcement budget by end of Bush years

$18B

More than the FBI, DEA, Secret Service, U.S. Marshals, and ATF combined. See next slide for the full spending trajectory.

Obama · 2009–2017

Immigrant rights groups called him “Deporter-in-Chief.” Three numbers tell the story.

Formal removals

2.75M

Highest in U.S. history at the time. Peak: 1,123 per day in 2012.

Who Secure Communities caught

>70%

Had no serious criminal record — despite the stated priority of targeting criminals. Secure Communities ran fingerprints from every local arrest through federal immigration databases automatically.

What DACA covered

~7%

~700,000 people brought here as children — about 7% of the undocumented population. Temporary. Subject to court challenge. The other 93% remained unaddressed.

Trump 45 · 2017–2021

Prosecutorial discretion ended. Every undocumented person became a removal priority. And then came the children.

Zero tolerance

Every adult crossing without authorization criminally prosecuted. Prosecutorial discretion — the practice of not pursuing removal against people with long community ties and no criminal record — ended entirely. All 11 million undocumented people became a removal priority.

Remain in Mexico

Asylum seekers required to wait in Mexico while their U.S. cases were heard. Approximately 70,000 people enrolled before courts halted the program. Many were exposed to kidnapping and extortion while waiting.

Family separation

As a direct result of zero tolerance, parents and children were separated and processed through different systems. Thousands of children held without their parents. The American Academy of Pediatrics said the harm was “irreparable.” A federal court ordered reunification. The government could not locate many of the parents.

Biden · 2021–2025

He reversed the most visible cruelties on day one. By the end of his term he was implementing asylum restrictions more severe than anything Clinton had signed.

Day one, January 20, 2021

Ended Remain in Mexico
Halted border wall construction
Restored DACA protections
Reversed family separation policy

Record border encounters

Driven by instability in Venezuela, Haiti, Cuba, and Central America
Title 42 reimposed — a public health law used to expel migrants without asylum review
Limited border wall construction quietly resumed

The 2024 border bill

Negotiated with Republicans. Would have:

Allowed the government to shut down the asylum system entirely when crossings exceeded 5,000 per day
Created expedited deportation bypassing immigration courts
Restricted the legal standard for asylum claims
Limited court challenges to deportation orders

Senate Republicans killed it on Trump 45’s instruction — he didn’t want Biden to have the win. Biden then imposed similar restrictions by executive order.

Trump 47 · 2025–

Every previous administration, however aggressively, maintained due process as the nominal floor. This one removed it.

Alien Enemies Act

A 1798 wartime statute invoked to bypass immigration courts entirely. People deported to third countries — including El Salvador's CECOT prison — without individual hearings.

Laken Riley Act

Detention required on arrest alone — no charge, no conviction, no hearing required. The presumption of innocence does not apply if you are undocumented.

Arrests everywhere

Inside churches. In courthouses. At schools. ICE operations targeting families who have lived in communities for decades. Military deployed at the southern border.

The budget

ICE's 2025 budget: $85 billion — more than all other federal law enforcement agencies combined. The One Big Beautiful Bill provided a $75 billion supplement on top of its $10B base. ICE doubled its agents from 10,000 to 22,000 in a single year.

Click an administration above — or click anywhere to advance

Immigration Enforcement Spending · 1993–2025

ICE + CBP Combined Annual Budget — Across Six Administrations

Clinton
Bush
Obama
T45
Biden
T47
$90B $70B $50B $30B $10B $0
9/11
DHS created
$85B+
1993 1998 2003 2008 2013 2018 2024

ICE + CBP (FY2025)

$85B+

vs.

FBI

~$11B

DEA

~$3B

ATF

~$2B

Secret Service

~$3B

U.S. Marshals

~$2B

ICE alone now exceeds all other federal law enforcement agencies combined. The One Big Beautiful Bill (July 2025) provided a $75B supplement on a $10B annual base. Sources: American Immigration Council; Brennan Center; IPS; NPR.

The Bridge Case · United States, 1981–1992

The Sanctuary Movement — The Presbyterian Postscript

The Crisis · El Salvador and Guatemala, 1979–1992

Civil wars backed in part by U.S. military aid produced hundreds of thousands of refugees. Salvadoran and Guatemalan civilians fled to the U.S. southern border. The Reagan administration denied asylum at rates above 97% for Salvadorans and Guatemalans, while granting it at much higher rates for Cubans and Eastern Europeans. People refused asylum were deported. Some were killed after return.

The Question

There are people in front of us who are in documented danger. The government has declared it will return them to that danger. What do we do?

Jim Corbett · Quaker rancher · Tucson, 1981

After encountering Salvadoran refugees in INS detention, Corbett began helping people cross the Arizona border. He wrote to churches: the choice is between complying with enforcement policy or committing civil initiative — openly breaking the law as a public act of conscience.

John Fife · Presbyterian pastor · Southside Presbyterian, Tucson

On March 24, 1982 — the second anniversary of Oscar Romero’s assassination — Fife declared Southside Presbyterian a public sanctuary for Central American refugees. He sent the declaration in advance to the INS, the U.S. attorney, and the media. Not covert. Public theological witness. By 1987, more than 500 congregations had followed. Fife was convicted under federal law. Five years probation.

The Postscript

The Movement Ended. The Question Did Not.

2017 · Trump 45 · ~1,000 congregations

When Trump took office in January 2017, the number of congregations declaring sanctuary doubled within months — from roughly 400 to over 1,000. Presbyterian, Methodist, Baptist, Unitarian, Jewish, and Quaker congregations across the country opened their buildings. St. Andrew’s Presbyterian in Austin sheltered a Guatemalan mother and her son for years. Churches posted signs: ICE may not enter without a judicial warrant.

Sources: PBS NewsHour (2018); VOA News (2017); America’s Voice (2018)

2025 · Trump 47 · A new condition

On his first full day in office, Trump rescinded the longstanding federal policy protecting churches as sensitive locations where ICE would not act. Five Quaker societies immediately sued the federal government under the Religious Freedom Restoration Act. The Episcopal Diocese of New York declared itself a sanctuary diocese. Lake View Presbyterian in Chicago converted a Sunday school classroom into a studio apartment for immigrant families. Southside Presbyterian in Tucson — Fife’s church — continues the practice it began in 1982.

Sources: NPR (March 2025); Christian Science Monitor (January 2025); Documented NY (January 2025)

What Faithful Action Looks Like

Six Forms of Faithful Resistance

Form 1

Speaking and Writing the Truth

The prophets. King’s Letter. Naming what is happening in public, without softening.

Form 2

Directed Giving

Jubilee. The Sanctuary Movement’s basements. Deploying what you have toward who is suffering.

Form 3

Presence and Protest

The second mile. Las Madres. Physical presence as theological argument.

Form 4

Accompaniment

Ruth. The Sanctuary volunteers. Being present through a system designed to isolate.

Form 5

Sanctuary

Cities of refuge. Fife. Declaring that this building is a place of protection.

Form 6

Political, Legal & Civic

Esther. Calvin’s lesser magistrates. Using the access you have, for this.

Form 1 of 6

Speaking and Writing the Truth

Week 2 Root · Amos 5:24

“Let justice roll down like waters, and righteousness like an ever-flowing stream.”

Amos, Isaiah, and Jeremiah did not lobby in private. They named in public, at cost, without softening. The prophetic voice speaks to power on behalf of the vulnerable.

Week 3 Anchor · King’s Letter from Birmingham Jail, 1963

“[The white moderate] prefers a negative peace which is the absence of tension to a positive peace which is the presence of justice.”

Written in a newspaper margin, addressed to comfortable clergy who called his timing wrong. The written word as the form of faithful witness.

What a Church Can Do — Choose at Least One

Issue a congregational statement

Write to your representatives as a church

Submit a letter to the editor as a congregation

Engage the PCUSA Office of Public Witness

Hold a congregational discernment conversation

Form 2 of 6

Directed Giving

Week 2 Root · Deuteronomy 14:28–29

“At the end of every three years… the stranger, the fatherless and the widow who live in your towns shall come and eat and be satisfied.”

The tithe explicitly funds the stranger. The economy of the covenant community is structurally oriented toward the vulnerable. What you do with your resources is a theological act.

Week 3 Anchor · The Sanctuary Movement

Southside Presbyterian’s basements were the material expression of Fife’s declaration. 500 congregations deployed buildings, budgets, and networks. Theological witness without material commitment is speech without a body.

What a Church Can Do — Choose at Least One

Designate a budget line item for immigrant legal defense

Create a rapid-response fund

Open the building for legal clinics and consultations

Volunteer through Just Neighbors

Form 3 of 6

Presence and Protest

Week 2 Root · Matthew 5:41 — The Second Mile

“If anyone forces you to go one mile, go with them two miles.”

The second mile is freely chosen, public, and reframes the power dynamic. The act exposes what the first mile was about. Presence — chosen, costly, public — is a theological argument.

Week 3 Anchor · Las Madres de Plaza de Mayo

Fourteen women on a Thursday afternoon. The junta could not acknowledge the march without acknowledging the disappearances. Presence was the argument. They did not need permission. They needed to show up.

What a Church Can Do — Choose at Least One

Organize a congregational vigil at Farmville or Caroline Detention

Join immigrant-led marches and actions

Show up at County Board of Supervisors hearings

Hold public worship that names what is happening here

Physical presence is harder to dismiss than a petition.

Form 4 of 6

Accompaniment

Week 2 Root · Ruth 2 & Matthew 25:35

Boaz notices Ruth in his field, speaks to her directly, and leaves grain deliberately for her to find. Not charity from above. Presence alongside.

“I was a stranger and you welcomed me.”

Matthew 25:35

Week 3 Anchor · The Sanctuary Movement

Corbett drove through the Arizona desert to people in INS detention. Sanctuary congregations housed families, drove people to hearings, sat in waiting rooms. That verse is not metaphor. It is a description of someone being in your house.

What a Church Can Do — Choose at Least One

Accompany individuals to immigration hearings

Provide congregational translation support

Host a Know Your Rights workshop

Build relationships before the crisis arrives

Accompaniment is not a program. It is a practice of proximity.

Form 5 of 6

Sanctuary

Week 2 Root · Cities of Refuge — Numbers 35, Joshua 20

“Select some towns to be your cities of refuge, to which a person who has killed someone accidentally may flee… They will be places of refuge.”

Six cities designated for protection pending a fair hearing. No one faces irreversible harm before their case is heard. The oldest legal sanctuary concept in the Western tradition — from Scripture.

Week 3 Bridge · John Fife · Southside Presbyterian, 1982

Fife sent his sanctuary declaration in advance to the INS, the U.S. attorney, and the media. Not covert. Public theological witness. Convicted under federal law. Five years probation. 500 congregations followed. As of 2025, the question is the same one he was answering.

What a Church Can Do — Choose at Least One

Hold a congregational vote to declare sanctuary

Post a sign at the entrance

Connect with the New Sanctuary Coalition

Prepare a plan for if ICE comes to this building

The Sanctuary Movement ended. The question it was answering did not.

Form 6 of 6

Political, Legal, and Civic Engagement

Week 2 Root · Esther 4:14

“Who knows whether you have not come to the kingdom for such a time as this?”

Esther has access to the king that Mordecai does not. The civic and political access this congregation has — citizenship, fluency, economic stability, relationships with elected officials — is a kairos.

Week 3 Anchor · Calvin’s Lesser Magistrates

Institutes IV.20: elected officials hold offices with God-given vocation to protect the people. When higher authority inverts that vocation, they do not merely have permission to resist — they have an obligation. In a democracy, citizens share in that function.

What a Church Can Do — Choose at Least One

Contact Walkinshaw, Kaine, and Warner — with names and cases

Testify at Fairfax County Board of Supervisors hearings

Support Legal Aid Justice Center’s Virginia advocacy

Partner on voter registration in immigrant communities

The access this congregation has is the form of resistance available to it.

Together

Six Forms — One Shape

Form 1
Speaking and Writing the Truth
The prophets. King’s Letter. The form that names what is happening, in public, without softening.
Form 2
Directed Giving
Jubilee. The Sanctuary Movement’s basements. Deploying what you have toward who is suffering.
Form 3
Presence and Protest
The second mile. Las Madres. Physical presence as theological argument.
Form 4
Accompaniment
Ruth. The Sanctuary volunteers. Being present through a system designed to isolate.
Form 5
Sanctuary
Cities of refuge. Fife. Declaring that this building is a place of protection.
Form 6
Political, Legal & Civic
Esther. Calvin’s lesser magistrates. Using the access you have, for this.
The Principle Underneath All Six
Start where you are, with what you have, in response to who is suffering in front of you.
The form that aligns with Christ is not necessarily the most dramatic. It is the one that is honest, that serves the suffering neighbor, and that you will actually do. Specificity is better than scale. One concrete act this week is worth more than a general commitment to justice.

If You Want to Go Deeper

For Further Reading

Primary Source — Free Online
The Kairos Document (1985)
sahistory.org.za. Worth reading in full — not long. The three-theology framework in the voice of people who lived inside apartheid while writing it.
On Nonviolence and the Powers
Walter Wink, The Powers That Be
Doubleday, 1998. The accessible summary of his trilogy. Essential on Matthew 5 and what aligns with Christ in practice.
On the Sanctuary Movement
Renny Golden & Michael McConnell, Sanctuary: The New Underground Railroad
Orbis Books, 1986. Written during the movement by two participants.
On the American Church’s Record
Jemar Tisby, The Color of Compromise
Zondervan, 2019. The comfort pattern, documented across several centuries.
On the Politics of Jesus
John Howard Yoder, The Politics of Jesus
Eerdmans, 1972 (2nd ed. 1994). The most rigorous case that Jesus’ political practice is normative for the church.
On the Course as a Whole
Diana Butler Bass, A People’s History of Christianity
HarperOne, 2009. The dissenting and resistance movements that institutional history minimizes.

Sources & Citations

Where the Numbers Come From

Workforce & Economic Contribution

Center for Migration Studies of New York · American Immigration Council, Contributions of Undocumented Immigrants (2022) · Americans for Tax Fairness, undocumented tax data (2022) · Institute on Taxation and Economic Policy, effective tax rate analysis (2023) · Council on Foreign Relations, economic impact analysis

Price Impact Estimates

FWD.us / Prof. Francesc Ortega (CUNY), economic modeling of immigration policy price impacts (2025) · Peterson Institute for International Economics, deportation and food prices study (2024) · Mark Zandi, Chief Economist, Moody’s Analytics, quoted in CNN (November 2024) · Farm Aid / Center for Migration Studies, dairy sector workforce estimates

Deportation History & Administration Records

Migration Policy Institute, The Obama Record on Deportations (2017) · DHS Yearbook of Immigration Statistics (annual) · TRAC Immigration, Syracuse University, Secure Communities data · Latino News Network, deportation statistics by administration · El Paso Matters, fact brief on presidential removal totals

Enforcement Spending

American Immigration Council, The Cost of Immigration Enforcement and Border Security (2024) · DHS Budget-in-Brief, FY2003–2025 · Institute for Policy Studies, ICE/CBP budget analysis (2026) · NPR, “How ICE became the highest-funded U.S. law enforcement agency” (January 2026) · USAFacts, ICE spending data FY2003–2024

Trump 45 & Family Separation

American Academy of Pediatrics, statement on family separation (2018) · DHS Office of Inspector General, family separation reports · Human Rights Watch, Remain in Mexico documentation (2019–2021)

Trump 47 & Current Enforcement

Brennan Center for Justice, ICE budget and authority analysis (2025–2026) · American Immigration Council, One Big Beautiful Bill analysis · Congressional Research Service, FY2025 appropriations · Institute for Policy Studies, ICE/CBP budget doubling report (February 2026)

The Claim of This Series
Faithful resistance is the shape of Christian love in a world where the strong still dominate the weak.
This is what the Covenanters understood. What the abolitionists understood. What King understood. What Las Madres understood. What the Kairos theologians understood. What John Fife and Jim Corbett understood. The framework is tested. The pattern is legible. The history has removed the excuse of surprise. The first question still applies.

The Series

Four Weeks

Week 1 — Completed
How We Know When to Obey and When to Resist
Week 2 — Completed
Scripture as a Long Resistance Story
Week 3 — Completed
A History of Discernment
Week 4 — Today
Practicing Faithful Resistance Today
“History does not remove the difficulty. But it removes the excuse of surprise. The pressures are not new. The pattern is legible. The framework is tested. The first question still applies.”